At the very start of the Northern Irish Troubles — roughly 1966 to the early 1970s — the UVF weren’t the only ones dabbling in false flag tactics. Several other groups, both loyalist and state-linked, used deception to shift blame, provoke retaliation, or manipulate public opinion.
Here’s a breakdown of who else engaged in it:
1. Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV)
Profile: Paisleyite street organisation, closely linked to the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee (UCDC) founded by Ian Paisley and Noel Doherty in 1966.
False Flag Role: The UPV worked hand-in-glove with the UVF in early bombing campaigns, especially against infrastructure in both Northern Ireland and the Republic.
Example: Several of the 1969 bombings on Northern Irish utilities were officially “unclaimed” but later tied to UPV operatives. Blame at the time was directed at the IRA, feeding the narrative of an imminent republican insurgency.
Why It Worked: The UPV had no public armed wing, so suspicion naturally fell elsewhere — particularly on republicans.
2. Ulster Defence Association (UDA) (from 1971 onward)
Profile: Formed from a coalition of loyalist vigilante groups, initially presented as a “defensive” community organisation.
False Flag Role: In its early years, the UDA often carried out killings under the cover name “Ulster Freedom Fighters” (UFF) — a deliberate attempt to obscure UDA culpability and give the impression of a new, more militant loyalist group.
Example: Many sectarian murders in 1972–73 were officially “UFF” actions, but intelligence later confirmed they were UDA operations. This allowed the UDA to remain legal until 1992, despite widespread violence.
3. RUC Special Branch / Military Intelligence (MI5 and MRF)
Profile: State security forces with intelligence and covert action arms.
False Flag Role: In the early 1970s, certain covert units — most notoriously the British Army’s Military Reaction Force (MRF) — are alleged to have carried out shootings of unarmed Catholics while posing as republicans, and vice versa.
Purpose: To stir hostility between communities, create pretexts for security crackdowns, and test paramilitary reactions.
Example: Allegations persist of plainclothes gunmen in nationalist areas firing on civilians, later claimed as loyalist or IRA activity depending on the propaganda need. Some incidents remain classified or murky due to lack of official disclosure.
4. Official IRA and Provisional IRA (Early Phase)
Profile: Republican paramilitary organisations, split in 1969–70.
False Flag Role: While not common at the very outset, both factions occasionally used cover names to obscure responsibility or to carry out internal purges without public association.
Example: Some early shootings of informers or rivals were blamed on “criminal elements” or “unidentified gunmen” to avoid public backlash while sending a private warning.
Important Distinction: Unlike the UVF/UPV’s strategic cross-community false flags, IRA deception tended to be about deniability rather than framing the other side.
5. Tara
Profile: Small, hardline loyalist paramilitary group led by William McGrath, active in the late 1960s.
False Flag Role: While less operationally active than the UVF, Tara was involved in spreading fabricated intelligence about IRA plots, some of which fed into false flag-style bomb scares or “preventive” actions by other loyalists.
Why UVF/UPV False Flags Stand Out
While multiple actors used cover names or deception, the UVF and UPV’s cross-border bombings in 1969 (including the Wolfe Tone, Daniel O’Connell, RTÉ, and Ballyshannon power station attacks) remain the most audacious and strategically successful. They:
Convinced large sections of the public — and even some in Dublin — that the IRA was active when it wasn’t.
Provided Stormont with political cover to clamp down on civil rights agitation.
Set the tone for the Troubles’ “official” narrative: the IRA started it.
